From The Life of Colonel David Crockett,
compiled by Edward S. Ellis (Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1884)
David Crockett Member of Congress 1827-31, 1832-35
One day in the House of Representatives, a bill was taken up appropriating
money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several
beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just
about to put the question when Crockett arose:
"Mr. Speaker - I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased,
and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the living, if suffering there
be, as any man in this House, but we must not permit our respect for the
dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into an act of
injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into an argument
to prove that Congress has no power to appropriate this money as an act
of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it. We have the right,
as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we please in
charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate
a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have been made to
us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr. Speaker, the
deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in office to the
day of his death, and I have never heard that the government was in arrears
Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot, without the
grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt.
We have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as a charity.
Mr. Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much money of our
own as we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote
for this bill, but I will give one week's pay to the object, and, if every
member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill
He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage,
and, instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as,
no doubt, it would, but for that speech, it received but few votes, and,
of course, was lost.
Later, when asked by a friend why he had opposed the appropriation, Crockett
gave this explanation:
"Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol
with some other members of Congress, when our attention was attracted
by a great light over in Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire.
We jumped into a hack and drove over as fast as we could. In spite of
all that could be done, many houses were burned and many families made
houseless, and, besides, some of them had lost all but the clothes they
had on. The weather was very cold, and when I saw so many women and children
suffering, I felt that something ought to be done for them. The next
morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000 for their relief.
We put aside all other business and rushed it through as soon as it could
"The next summer, when it began to be time to think about the election,
I concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district
I had no opposition there, but, as the election was some time off, I did
not know what might turn up. When riding one day in apart of my district
in which I was more of a stranger than any other, I saw a man in a field
plowing and coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that we should
meet as he came to the fence. As he came up, I spoke to the man. He
replied politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly.
"I began: 'Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings called
candidates, and - "'Yes, I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have
seen you once before, and voted for you the last time you were elected.
I suppose you are out electioneering now, but you had better not waste
your time or mine. I shall not vote for you again.' "This was a sockdolager...
I begged him to tell me what was the matter.
"'Well, Colonel, it is hardly worth-while to waste time or words upon
it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you gave a vote last winter
which shows that either you have not capacity to understand the Constitution,
or that you are wanting in the honesty and firmness to be guided by it.
In either case you are not the man to represent me. But I beg your pardon
for expressing it in that way. I did not intend to avail myself of the
privilege of the constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for the purpose
of insulting or wounding you. I intend by it only to say that your understanding
of the Constitution is very different from mine; and I will say to you
what, but for my rudeness, I should not have said, that I believe you
to be honest.... But an understanding of the Constitution different from
mine I cannot overlook, because the Constitution, to be worth anything,
must be held sacred, and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The
man who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the more
honest he is.
"'I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake about
it' for I do not remember that I gave any vote last winter upon any constitutional
"'No, Colonel, there's no mistake. Though I live here in the backwoods
and seldom go from home, I take the papers from Washington and read very
carefully all the proceedings of Congress. My papers say that last winter
you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by a fire
in Georgetown. Is that true?'
"'Well, my friend; I may as well own up. You have got me there. But
certainly nobody will complain that a great and rich country like ours
should give the insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve its suffering
women and children, particularly with a full and overflowing Treasury,
and I am sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I did.'
"'It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the principle.
In the first place, the government ought to have in the Treasury no more
than enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing to do with
the question. The power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure
is the most dangerous power that can be intrusted to man, particularly
under our system of collecting revenue by a tariff, which reaches every
man in the country, no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is
the more he pays in proportion to his means. What is worse, it presses
upon him without his knowledge where the weight centers, for there is
not a man in the United States who can ever guess how much he pays to
the government. So you see, that while you are contributing to relieve
one, you are drawing it from thousands who are even worse off than he.
If you had the right to give anything, the amount was simply a matter
of discretion with you, and you had as much right to give $20,000,000
as $20,000. If you have the right to give to one, you have the right
to give to all; and, as the Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates
the amount, you are at liberty to give to any and everything which you
may believe, or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount you
may think proper. You will very easily perceive what a wide door this
would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the one hand, and
for robbing the people on the other. No, Colonel, Congress has no right
to give charity.
Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please,
but they have no right to touch a dollar of the public money for that
purpose. If twice as many houses had been burned in this county as in
Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of Congress would have thought
of appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two hundred
and forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy for the
sufferers by contributing each one week's pay, it would have made over
$13,000. There are plenty of men in and around Washington who could have
given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life.
The congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true,
some of them spend not very creditably; and the people about Washington,
no doubt, applauded you for relieving them from the necessity of giving
by giving what was not yours to give. The people have delegated to Congress,
by the Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do these, it
is authorized to collect and pay moneys, and for nothing else. Everything
beyond this is usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution.
"'So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I consider
a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with danger to the country,
for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of
the Constitution, there is no limit to it, and no security for the people.
I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any better,
except as far as you are personally concerned, and you see that I cannot
vote for you.'
"I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and this
man should go talking, he would set others to talking, and in that district
I was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him, and the fact is, I was
so fully convinced that he was right, I did not want to. But I must satisfy
him, and I said to him:
"'Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I had
not sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided
by it, and thought I had studied it fully. I have heard many speeches
in congress about the powers of Congress, but what you have said here
at your plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the fine speeches
I ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would
have put my head into the fire before I would have given that vote; and
if you will forgive me and vote for me again, if I ever vote for another
unconstitutional law I wish I may be shot.'
"He laughingly replied: 'Yes, Colonel, you have sworn to that once before,
but I will trust you again upon one condition. You say that you are convinced
that your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgment of it will do more good
than beating you for it. If, as you go around the district, you will
tell people about this vote, and that you are satisfied it was wrong,
I will not only vote for you, but will do what I can to keep down opposition,
and, perhaps, I may exert some little influence in that way.'
"'If I don't,' said I, 'I wish I may be shot; and to convince you that
I am in earnest in what I say I will come back this way in a week or ten
days, and if you will get up a gathering of the people, I will make a
speech to them. Get up a barbecue, and I will pay for it.,
"'No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we have plenty
of provisions to contribute for a barbecue, and some to spare for those
who have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days, and we can
then afford a day for a barbecue. This is Thursday; I will see to getting
up on Saturday week. Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together,
and I promise you a very respectable crowd to see and hear you.
"'Well, I will be here. But one thing more before I say good-by. I must
know your name.
"'My name is Bunce.'
"'Not Horatio Bunce?'
"Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before though you say you have seen
me, but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you, and very proud
that I may hope to have you for my friend.'
"It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He mingled
but little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable intelligence
and incorruptible integrity, and for a heart brimful and running over
with kindness and benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words
but in acts. He was the oracle of the whole country around him, and his
fame had extended far beyond the circle of his immediate acquaintance.
Though I had never met him before, I had heard much of him, and but for
this meeting it is very likely I should have had opposition, and had been
beaten. One thing is very certain, no man could now stand up in that
district under such a vote.
"At the appointed time I was at his house, having told our conversation
to every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with, and
I found that it gave the people an interest and a confidence in me stronger
than I had ever seen manifested before.
"Though I was considerably fatigued when I reached his house, and, under
ordinary circumstances, should have gone early to bed, I kept up until
midnight, talking about the principles and affairs of government, and
got more real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before.
"I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him - no, that
is not the word - I reverence and love him more than any living man, and
I go to see him two or three times every year; and I will tell you, sir,
if every one who professes to be a Christian lived and acted and enjoyed
it as he does, the religion of Christ would take the world by storm.
"But to return to my story. The next morning we went to the barbecue,
and, to my surprise, found about a thousand men there. I met a good many
whom I had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me around
until I had got pretty well acquainted - at least, they all knew me.
"In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They gathered
up around a stand that had been erected. I opened my speech by saying:
"'Fellow-citizens - I present myself before you today feeling like a new
man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or prejudice,
or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I can today
offer you the ability to render you more valuable service than I have
ever been able to render before. I am here today more for the purpose
of acknowledging my error than to seek your votes. That I should make
this acknowledgment is due to myself as well as to you. Whether you will
vote for me is a matter for your consideration only.'
"I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation
and then told them why I was satisfied it was wrong. I closed by saying;
"'And now, fellow-citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that the
most of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply
a repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced
me of my error.
"'It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he is entitled to
the credit for it And now I hope he is satisfied with his convert and
that he will get up here and tell you so.
"He came upon the stand and said: "'Fellow-citizens - It affords me great
pleasure to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett I have always
considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am satisfied that he will
faithfully perform all that he has promised you today.'
"He went down, and there went up from that crowd such a shout for Davy
Crockett as his name never called forth before.
"I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then and
felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the
remembrance of those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty
shout they produced, is worth more to me than all the reputation I have
ever made, or ever shall make, as a member of Congress.
"Now, sir," concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that speech yesterday.
"There is one thing now to which I will call your attention. You remember
that I proposed to give a week's pay. There are in that House many very
wealthy men - men who think nothing of spending a week's pay, or a dozen
of them, for a dinner or a wine party when they have something to accomplish
by it. Some of those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great
debt of gratitude which the country owed the deceased - a debt which could
not be paid by money - and the insignificance and worthlessness of money,
particularly so insignificant a sum as $10,000, when weighed against the
honor of the nation. Yet not one of them responded to my proposition.
Money with them is nothing but trash when it is to come out of the people.
But it is the one great thing for which most of them are striving, and
many of them sacrifice honor, integrity, and justice to obtain it."
"A democracy cannot exist as a permanent form of government. It can
only exist until the voters discover that they can vote themselves
largesse from the public treasury. From that moment on, the majority
always votes for candidates promising the most benefits from the public
treasury, with the result that a democracy always collapses over loose
fiscal policy, always followed by a dictatorship."
"The average age of the world's greatest civilizations has been two
hundred years. These nations have progressed through this sequence:
From bondage to spiritual faith; from spiritual faith to great courage;
from courage to liberty; from liberty to abundance; from abundance to
complacency; from complacency to apathy; from apathy to dependence;
from dependence back again into bondage."
The above was penned by Professor Alexander Tytler over 200 years ago
while we were still a British colony.
These quotes are from the Freeman magazine and Grapevine Publications.
PO Box 45057
Boise, Idaho 83711